Sunday, June 26, 2011

Entry 004 - Death and Disney

This entries question comes (albeit inadvertently) from Kaleigh Marie from Maine who writes:
"Disney's Earth is the worst movie I've ever seen. Animals eating and killing each other, baby animals getting slaughtered, and running out of water. Why in the hell would Disney make such a movie?"
The quoted message was from a recent Facebook status update, in which she expresses her distaste for the variety of death scenes found throughout the video meant for children. Although it was not directly asked to the blog, it is a profound question, which has been discussed at some length with others, making it worthy of further investigation.



DEATH IN DISNEY:

Death and Disney, as Forrest Gump may say, go together like "peas and carrots". Although I am uncertain as to how well peas and carrots truly go together, anyone who was raised on Disney films is aware of the variety of horrific death scenes throughout their films. These scenes are what nightmares are made of.


Although I have no specific citation for the frequency of death throughout Disney film, I have decided to display several heart breaking scenes throughout this blog, which will hopefully illustrate this point.

I sincerely apologize for the pun.

However, is all of this death unwarranted? If not, what value could displaying concepts of death to children through film possibly have? Perhaps like many other phenomenon in psychology, Terror Management Theory poses some insight to the questions at hand.

What was truly heartbreaking was the knowledge he 
would have to live with his father.



TERROR MANAGEMENT THEORY:

Terror Management Theory [TMT], derived from Ernest Becker's 1973 Pulitzer Prize-winning non-fiction entitled The Denial of Death, argues that all human action is taken to ignore or avoid the inevitability of death. Greenberg et al., (1992/1986) purposed and tested the main theoretical and experimental paradigms for TMT, which spawned a vast and rich body of literature, all confirming the robust effects of TMT.

Specifically, Psyczynski et. al., (2004) posit that humans share a biological predisposition to continue existence, or at the very least avoid premature termination. However, human’s posses an array of highly develop cognitive abilities which give them awareness of the inevitability of death, which can cause paralyzing terror. In order to manage this terror, humans have developed elaborate cultural world views through mechanisms such as self-esteem, which allow us to believe our existence is meaningful within the universe. Thus, in order to be successful in manage the terror derived from the existential threat, one must have faith in a meaningful conception of reality (the cultural worldview) and hold a belief that one is meeting the standards prescribed by that world view (self-esteem). However, how does TMT apply to children?

NOTE: For a complete review of Terror Management Theory, see The Handbook of Existential Psychology.



CHILDREN AND THE EXISENTIAL THREAT:

Aside from supplying a possible account of the evolution of cultural world views, TMT has also attempted to provide a developmental account of how infants acquire cultural world views and maintain self-esteem in the face of death. Following the works of Bowlby's (1969) formation of infant attachment, TMT is theorized to start with the immaturity of infants from the moment of their birth. Early in life, parents (ideally) provide care for their child, but over the course of the child's development, parental affection becomes contingent upon engaging in certain behaviors while refraining from others. Although some of these behaviors may be to protect the child (e.g. do not play in traffic), other behaviors may be reflective of the society (e.g. do not eat worms). While there is nothing lethal about eating worms, from a biological perspective, most parents frown on this activity.

Old Yeller is rewarded with a brand new bullet
after saving his humans from a wolf.

Throughout development, children are taught to associate good with safe and bad with unsafe, which is transferred from their personal relationships and culture. As they grow older, Children also begin to realize that their parents are mortal and will be unable to provide them with the safety and security they have received in perpetuity. If children do not understand death from birth, when does it develop?




CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF DEATH:

From an objective perspective, death is an irreversible outcome of a natural process, and a mature conception of death implies that an individual understands it is inevitable, universal, and irreversible (Florian, 1985). However, this concept of death is only reach through cognitive development. Nagy (1948) suggested that there were three developmental stages of death. Those in preschool lacked a fundamental understanding of deaths inevitability and irreversibility. Those aged 5-9 tend to personify death, such that, it could be avoided if swift enough. Only in the third stage (9-10) did children realize the permanence of death, and the fact that it could occur through a variety of circumstances.

Florian (1985) examined the development of death from pre-kindergarten to first grade in Israeli children, and found that with a gradual increase in age, the understanding of death solidified. This finding has also been replicated in Western countries (Smilansky, 1987; Speece & Brent, 1992; Wenestam & Wass, 1987). The critical stage of development of death seems to occur during Piaget's concrete operations (ages 7-11).

Beyond this process, Florian and Kravetz (1985) claimed that a child's physical and cultural environment influence their representation of death. In fact, cultures which emphasize the notions of divine purpose and reincarnation may even inhibit the development of the view of death as the irreversible outcome of a natural process (Bowlby, 1980). Experimentally, Florian and Mikulincer (1998) exposed children (age 7 or 11) to mortality salience, and found that only 11 year olds reacted to mortality salience similar to adults noted in previous studies (Greenberg et al., 1997). This reaffirms the notion that it is not until children reach a mature age that their notions of death fully develop.



WALT DISNEY IS REJUVINATED BY THE TEARS OF CHILDREN:

One of the most evil men in the world, next to Hitler.

Although it is easy (and fun) to think of Walt Disney as an evil person, does he deserve the bad rap? If the children watching these films are too young, they may not fully understand the consequences of death. Additionally, some children who do not have a complete understanding of death often will fill in gaps in understanding with fantasy elements (Baker, Sedney, & Gross, 1992), which may be taken from the media that children view, such as Disney movies. Thus, the question of whether or not Disney portrays death in an accurate and acceptable manner arises.



THE VALUE OF DISNEY DEATHS:

Cox, Garrett, & Graham (2005) conducted a study in which they performed a content analysis on Disney films to locate 23 death scenes from 10 full-length Disney animated films ranging from classics such as Snow White and the Seven Dwarves (1937) to modern movies such as Tarzan (1999). Each characters death was watched by several research assistants who determined the characters status (protagonist or antagonist), depiction of death (implicit or explicit), emotional reactions (were characters in the movie sad or happy regarding the death), and causality (justified or unjustified).

Results from Character Status suggested that both "good" and "bad" characters are susceptible to death, which can be beneficial as children viewing these scenes receive the message that even good characters can die (Brent et al., 1996; Willis, 2002).

Depictions of death were evenly implicit and explicit. Explicit deaths were more likely to be noted where protagonist died; however, this can also be a positive occurrence as these scenes may demonstrate explicit deaths of characters that the viewer cares about, reinforcing the consequences of death.

Implicit deaths occurred mostly for antagonists, which may send a message that their deaths are inconsequential in comparison to those of the protagonists, perhaps sending a mixed message to children about the importance of death.

That's right... twist the knife.

Death status throughout the majority of films were permanent. This is also a positive message, as it enforces the idea that death is a permanent phenomenon, a concept that many young children do not yet grasp (Baker et. al., 1992; Brent et. al., 1996; Grollman, 1990; Willis, 2002). Thus, it is theorized that seeing these scenes may help children develop this understanding of death sooner. However, if left unaided in understanding these scenes, there may be an internal crisis derived from the realization of the permanence of death. Of the deaths which occurred, only six were reversible. All of the reversible deaths occur among protagonists, suggesting that antagonists do not get a second chance at life. This point is one of caution, for, as discussed earlier, the notion that death is not permanent could inhibit the development of death. Additionally, half of the protagonists who died came back in some form. For example, in The Lion King, Mufasa returns to communicate with Simba. Although this scene may show children that loved ones can always be part of them, it could confuse children into thinking that the deceased may actually return (Worden & Silverman, 1996).

...Braaaaainnns....

Emotional reactions were generally negative for protagonists, which may provide some children who lack experience with death a model of grieving (Baker et al., 1992). Presumably, when children see characters grieve and show frustration over the death of loved ones, they may learn that these behaviors are normal and acceptable. Positive emotional reactions occurred solely for antagonists, and were extremely uncommon.

Finally, it was noted that all of the deaths which were justified were among the antagonists, many of whom died from the result of an accident. The fact that these individuals died via accidents allowed them to "get what they deserve" while maintaining the innocence of the protagonists.



CONCLUSION:

Collectively, a child’s understanding of death seems to depend on two factors. The first is their experience with death (Speece & Brent, 1984), with the second aimed at their developmental level (Brent et al., 1996; Willis, 2002). These films may give children something to relate to when they are experiencing a loss. Watching films in which characters die may help children understand real death in a way that is less traumatic and threatening. Depictions of death may also serve as springboards for discussion between children and adults about death, for many parents try to downplay the severity and reality of death when discussing it with children (Grollman, 1990; Ryerson, 1977; Willis, 2002). As long as a parent is available to open the appropriate dialogue, and encourage a healthy discussion surrounding death, the negative consequences of these death scenes in Disney seem to be fewer than the theorized benefits.

If only Chance (voiced by Michael J. Foxx) could go back
in time, he could prevent this tragedy from ever occurring!

However, given the nature of the content analysis conducted by Cox and colleagues (2005), the interpretations should be viewed with some skepticism. In order to infer actual benefits, an experimental study with manipulations is ideal. With the evidence at hand, there seems to be little to no permanent harm in watching Disney movies, but future research should be aimed at examining the consequences of these films, specifically on those who may be older, and susceptible to mortality salience.

Whether or not Disney movies are right for a kid is up to each parent. While the developmental stages of death have been suggested to solidify around the age of 9-10, it is important for parents to realize that this is a generalization, and that no one may know what their child is actually able to comprehend like the parent. With this information in mind, parents must carefully weigh the consequences of letting their children view these movies, and make themselves available to quash confusion while putting the information in the appropriate context. As for Kaleigh’s original statement about the violence in Disney's Earth, I'll let you decide:







NOTE: If you have a question for me to research and answer please submit it as a comment, or send it to ELKronos@aol.com / Facebook.com/ELKronos. Submit your name and location if you wish to opine.




CITATIONS:

Baker, J. E., Sedney, M. A., & Gross, E. (1992). Psychological tasks for bereaved children. American Journal of Orthopsychitray, 62, 105-116.

Becker, Ernest (1973). The denial of death (1st ed.). New York, NY: The Free Press.

Bowlby J [1969] (1999). Attachment, 2nd edition, Attachment and Loss (vol. 1), New York: Basic Books.

Bowlby, J. (1980). Loss: Sadness & Depression. Attachment and Loss (vol. 3); (International psycho-analytical library no.109). London: Hogarth Press.

Brent, S. B., Speece, M. W., Lin, C., Dong, Q., & Yang, C. (1996). The development of the concept of death among Chinese and U.S. children 3-17 years of age: From binary to “fuzzy” concepts? Omega: The Journal of Death and Dying, 33, 67-83.

Cox, M., Garrett, E., & Graham, J.A. (2005). Death in Disney films: Implications for children's understanding of death. Omega: Journal of Death and Dying, 50, 267-280.

Greenberg, J., Pyszczynski, T., & Solomon, S. (1986). The causes and consequences of a need for self-esteem: A terror management theory. In R. F. Baumeister (Ed.), Public self and private self (pp. 189–212). New York, NY: Springer-Verlag.

Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Pyszczynski, T., Rosenblatt A., et al. (1992). Assessing the terror management Analysis of self-esteem: Converging evidence of an anxiety-buffering function. Journal of Personalilty and Social Psychology, 63, 913-922.

Greenberg, J.; Solomon, S.; Pyszczynski, T. (1997). "Terror management theory of self-esteem and cultural worldviews: Empirical assessments and". Advances in experimental social psychology 29 (S 61): 139.

Greenberg, J.; Koole, S. L., & Pyszczynski, T. (2004). Handbook of experimental existential psychology. Guilford Press.

Grollman, E. A. (1990). Talking about death: A dialogue between parent and child (3rd ed.). Boston: Beacon Press.

Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Arndt, J., & Schimel, J. (2004). Why do people need self-esteem? A theoretical and empirical review. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 435–468.

Florian, V. (1985). Children's concept of death: An empirical study of a cognitive and environmental approach. Death Studies, 9, 133-141.

Florian, V., & Kravetz, D. (1985). Children's concept of death. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology.

Florian, V.; Mikulincer, M. (1997). "Fear of death and the judgment of social transgressions: a multidimensional test of terror" (Registration required). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 73 (2): 369–80.

Nagy, M. (1948). The child's theories concerning death. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 73, 3-27.

Ryerson, M. S. (1977). Death education and counseling for children. Elementary School Guidance and Counseling, 11, 165-174.

Smilansky, S. (1987). On death: Helping children understand and cope. New York, Peter Lang.

Speece, M. W., & Brent, S. B. (1984). Children’s understanding of death: A review of three components of a death concept. Development, 55, 1671-1686.

Wenestam, C.G., & Wass, H. (1987). Swedish and U.S. children's thinking about death: A qualitative study and cross-cultural comparison. Death Studies, 11, 99-121.

Willis, C. A. (2002). The grieving process in children: Strategies for understanding, educating, and reconciling children’s perceptions of death. Early Childhood Education Journal, 29, 221-226.

Worden, J. W., & Silverman, P. R. (1996). Parental death and the adjustment of school-age children. Omega: The Journal of Death and Dying, 33, 91-102.

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